BY JUDE OSSAI
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In the Nigerian political cycle, “First Lady” is a highly prominent, informal lexicon and title used to describe the wife of a President, State Governor, and, more recently, a Local Council Chairman.
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Although the Nigerian Constitution does not officially create or define an office for a First Lady, the position has received state funding and administrative support since Nigeria became a republic in 1963.
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Over the decades, the role has evolved from a quiet, background presence into a powerful platform for social advocacy and national programs.
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Historically, the First Lady began with Flora Azikiwe (1963–1966): As the inaugural First Lady when Nigeria became a republic, she maintained a traditional and quiet role alongside the country’s first president, Nnamdi Azikiwe.
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Lady Victoria Aguiyi-Ironsi (1966) and Victoria Gowon (1966–1975): Early military-era First Ladies. Victoria Gowon notably engaged in social work and helped establish early organisations focused on women’s welfare and post-war rehabilitation.
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It was Maryam Babangida (1985–1993) who brought glamour to the title as she transformed the office by officially launching the “Better Life for Rural Women” program. Her dynamic style turned the position into a prominent institution with major developmental reach, creating the modern template for Nigerian First Ladies.
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Fati Lami Abubakar (1998–1999) adopted a more modest and restrained approach, avoiding the prominent “First Lady” title in favour of focusing on legal rights and human welfare through her creation of the Women’s Rights Advancement and Protection Alternative (WRAPA).
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Mrs Stella Obasanjo (1999–2005): The first First Lady following the return to democracy in 1999, she brought high fashion, strong advocacy for youth and women, and tragically became the first to pass away while in office.
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Turai Yar’Adua (2007–2010), Patience Jonathan (2010–2015), and Aisha Buhari (2015–2023) continued to wield significant public influence, championing causes from child health and women’s empowerment to vocal commentary on national governance.
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Today, Senator Oluremi Tinubu has held sway as Nigeria’s First Lady since May 29, 2023, when her husband became the President.
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Mrs Tinubu focuses on youth development, health, and education through her “Renewed Hope Initiative.”
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As the race to Aso-Rock is being intensified, the trio of Peter Obi, incumbent President Bola Tinubu, and Atiku Abubakar have gone into campaign mode, wooing the electorate with fresh strategies to advance their political fortunes.
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For instance, the wife of the President, Senator Oluremi, has suddenly embarked on empowering women in the Southeast geopolitical zone, apparently to buy political loyalty in the enclave.
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Whether her targeted empowerment programs can secure the political loyalty of the South-East region for the 2027 presidential election remains a subject of intense political debate.
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To many political watchers, the First Lady’s ‘Renewed Hope Initiative’ and targeted cash backings apparently aim to soften the ground for her husband’s re-election, but they may meet a brick wall due to bottled-up anger in the land. The deep-seated socioeconomic grievances and regional political dynamics cannot be entirely resolved by welfare outreach alone.
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Despite these strategic manoeuvres, political analysts point out that the South-East remains one of the most ideologically resistant regions to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) for several reasons.
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Following the socioeconomic realities, critics of the APC Tinubu administration view the sudden influx of empowerment materials as “medicine after death” or a belated attempt to pacify a populace struggling under the weight of severe economic inflation and escalating living costs.
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The “Peter Obi Factor”: The political landscape of the South-East shifted heavily during the 2023 elections due to the rise of Peter Obi and the Labour Party. That underlying preference remains highly potent ahead of 2027.
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Obi’s rising political profile counters the critical elements shaping this political outreach, such as the empowerment offensive of the First Lady. Tinubu’s wife, this September, launched a high-profile women’s empowerment initiative across the South-East.
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Critics of the APC government at the centre contend that the strategy spearheaded by the Office of the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which targets 18,500 women nationwide, with 500 women from each of the five South-East states receiving business items like generators, industrial grinding machines, and ovens, came too late.
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Apparently not comfortable with the visible anger on the faces of the host communities, the First Lady opted for a direct appeal.
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In Owerri, Imo State, the First Lady appealed for regional electoral backing, stating: “Make una vote for Mr President, we go work for una and Nigeria go better. I want to enjoy Nigeria at old age.” She bolstered the state’s event with a ₦100,000 cash grant for each beneficiary.
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Supporters of Peter Obi, mainly the youths, say they are not perturbed by the elite alliance in the region, dismissing the backing of the presidency by Southeast governors as a threat to Obi’s path to victory in 2027.
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On security and effective representation, many voters in the South-East emphasise structural demands—such as total security stabilisation, economic integration, and the release of political detainees—that carry significantly more weight than temporary economic relief packages.
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As a matter of fact, while the First Lady’s empowerment tours may secure goodwill among thousands of direct beneficiaries and strengthen the hand of local APC governors, securing the broader, long-term political loyalty of the South-East will require comprehensive solutions to the region’s deeper economic and security crises. Peter Obi still holds the ace in Igboland largely because of his antecedents.
