Federal And Preferential Characters And Political Appointments In Nigeria

By Babafemi A. Badejo, Ph.D.

I have observed the career of Rilwan Olatunji Disu for some time, and his emergence as the Acting Inspector-General of Police on February 25, 2026, did not come as a surprise to me. My analysis centres on Disu’s remarkable growth in broad academic knowledge across various important areas. These developments are crucial for transforming the Nigerian Police Force into the service it aspires to be, rather than the one it currently represents.

No doubt, one of the greatest deceptions by the Federal Government in Nigeria is telling Nigerian citizens that the police is their friend. Such an ignoble lie is not solely the fault of the police. Why would anyone want to be friends in Nigeria, a country where the police are poorly paid and many politicians are worse than armed robbers? It’s a dog-eat-dog world.

I am not the one calling many Nigerian politicians – “barau”. Many surveys, including one I conducted in 2024 that had almost 1500 Nigerians across all 6 geopolitical zones, as well as the efforts of the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), and daily news reports, suggest that corruption, manifesting as thievery of national patrimony, is the in-thing for Nigerian politicians.

So, can the new Acting IGP solve the problem caused by politicians who make police extort at every opportunity? What can he do to substantially improve on the low police-citizen ratio when politicians are not allocating funds for such a necessity? I wish he could make a difference on improving the state of our policing using enhanced budgetary allocation but I hastily state that such a task is beyond the new Acting IGP. As such, Nigeria will continue to be ravaged by systemic corruption at all levels of the polity.

Tunji Disu was picked as Acting IGP, as the best in a pool of AIGs and DIGs. The fact that the Nigerian 1999 Constitution, as amended, confirms that elections, (or do I say selections), have consequences is very clear. One consequence is that the President gets to pick who serves in several offices, including professional ones like the forces. He tries to balance with “Federal Character”, the clearly discriminatory and anti-merit qua merit aspect of the Nigerian Constitution, as best as he could. For me, however, uppermost is the preferential character on the posts at stake. Who would have the opportunity of picking the Chief Cop among several qualified people and would miss a well-rounded officer who had been very operational in building at least a clear security-aiding institution in Lagos?

The role of trust, a major component of preference, is also a very critical factor. It’s public knowledge that the Acting IGP was ADC to the President when the latter was the Governor in Lagos. The bond between an ADC and his boss tends to be very strong. Little wonder that the ADC succeeded the erstwhile CSO to the same President. For sure, we can change the Nigerian Constitution and remove federal character, (as I would want) as well as preferential character. At least, I am on record as having, with my first child, fought the federal character principle through to the Nigerian Supreme Court as it unjustly discriminated against my daughter. The Supreme Court refused to pronounce itself on the substance and the 3-2 majority position offered no remedy to a wrong the highest Court recognised. My position has not changed on this issue since 1988. Nonetheless, I am willing to consider the possibility of having robot-like leadership selection for our forces. Are we ready to accept that trust would be jettisoned? If the answer is yes, then we will require a change of Constitution.

For me, the attempt to ethnicise the appointment of Tunji Disu by the concocted stories is wrong and condemnable. Fine Officer Mba was not the only DIG/AIG in contention when Disu was picked. A cursory look at the list of Deputy Inspectors-General of Police (DIGs) who were in line for consideration clearly shows that the appointment was not about where someone came from. Why would those writing the ethnicised accounts conclude that it could only have been Mba, when the pool of senior officers included several qualified individuals from various backgrounds? The list of senior DIGs who, like Mba, were passed over includes:

• DIG Dankwara Adamu Mohammed (Adamawa State): Joined the force on May 18, 1992, promoted to DIG in 2025; due for retirement on October 1, 2026.

• DIG Adebola Ayinde Hamzat (Kwara State): Joined May 18, 1992; promoted to DIG in 2025. He is due for retirement on November 3, 2026.

• DIG Sadiq Idris Abubakar (Kano State): Joined May 18, 1992, promoted in March 2025; due for retirement on November 20, 2026.

• DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel (Jigawa State): Joined May 18, 1992, promoted in December 2025; due for retirement on November 5, 2026.

• DIG Bzigu Yakubu Kwazhi (Adamawa State): Joined May 18, 1992, promoted in March 2025; due for retirement on April 10, 2027.

• DIG Frank Mba (Enugu State): Joined May 18, 1992, appointed DIG in June 2023; due for retirement on May 18, 2027.

• DIG Idegwu Basil Okuoma (Bayelsa State): Joined May 17, 1992, appointed DIG in 2025. He is expected to retire on May 18, 2027.

• DIG Funsho Adegboye (Oshun State): Appointed DIG in January 2026.

• DIG Fayoade Adegoke (Ogun State): Appointed DIG in February 2026.

Frank Mba being the most senior in the DIG post, would have been Acting IGP if other issues like federal and preferential characters, inserted as crucial under the 1999 Constitution, were not to be considered. However, the ethnic prism through which Mba was not being appointed is a lazy and inaccurate analysis. As can be seen, several qualified Yoruba officers, such as DIG Adebola Hamzat, DIG Funsho Adegboye, and DIG Fayoade Adegoke, as well as other ethnicities were also in the mix.

More importantly, no one has said these officers must necessarily and forcefully retire. In a recent development that further underscores the President’s prerogative and the need for a stable force, it was reported that the speculated mass firing of over 30 DIGs and AIGs following Disu’s takeover has been stopped. This move suggests a desire for a more measured transition rather than a disruptive overhaul, giving the new Acting IGP a degree of operational stability in his new role.

I do not want to go into issues like [seniors] to Mba having been saluting him as he overtook them for whatever reasons being offered for his many accelerated promotions from being an Inspector on May 18, 1992, the same date Tunji Disu entered as a cadet Assistant Superintendent of Police with a bachelor’s degree. The jury is out on whether the accelerated movements of Frank Mba were due to his being the smartest or a combination of other factors like federal/preferential characters or his being very suave, especially with a strong publicity background. However, it is certain that what Nigeria needs today is a well-rounded Chief Cop capable of addressing the insecurity that the nation is facing.

I also do not want to engage on the several speculations as to why Ẹgbẹtokun resigned for “family reasons”. I do not know if he would have, in writing, differed with the President on the State Police issue that some are putting forth as the panacea for all the policing problems in Nigeria. Personally, I think the situation reflected the President’s ambivalence on state policing. For me, both played a “good cop, bad cop” situation or else, the President would have demanded his resignation on the day he gave the anti-State Police speech that Bola Bolawole referred to. Ẹgbẹtokun had his time. I do not know what I can refer to as his legacy.

I hope and strongly believe that Acting IGP Tunji Disu would leave legacies. In advising the new IGP, one must look at the data and the low-hanging fruits. A survey I conducted on Nigeria’s Corruption Perception, with over 1,500 Nigerian respondents, showed that a significant majority 1,218 Nigerians are aware of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) as an anti-corruption agency. This data reveals a crucial paradox: while the public sees the police as part of the corruption problem, they also place a high expectation on the NPF to be part of the solution. This is a heavy burden for the new IGP.

To begin addressing this crucial issue of corruption and start to build a more effective and respected force, the Acting IGP should prioritize some achievable goals:

1. Prioritize a Living Wage and Welfare for Junior Police Officers: The greatest enabler of corruption at the lower levels is poor remuneration. Championing a genuine living wage for constables and inspectors would be the single most effective step to curb the routine extortion that tarnishes the force’s image.

2. Invest in Capacity Development, Training, and Retraining: A confident, well-trained officer is less likely to resort to intimidation and extortion. Modernizing the training curriculum to focus on community policing, human rights, and modern investigative techniques is essential.

3. Enhance Investigative Capabilities: The NPF’s reputation is severely damaged by poor investigation leading to miscarriages of justice. Strengthening the Forensic Department, especially incorporating modern AI capabilities, and the CID with modern equipment and specialized training would yield quick wins in public trust.

4. Reward Merit and Competence: While federal character is a constitutional reality, the IGP can ensure that postings and promotions within the force, as much as possible, reward demonstrated competence and hard work, thereby boosting morale.

The best legacy for Tunji Disu would be to secure a living wage for junior police officers and, with such improvement, curb a corrupt state that makes junior police officers reflect the Nigerian situation that is making many, if not most, see corruption as normal.

*Babafemi A. Badejo, the author of several books, including a best seller on politics in Kenya as well as why peace has been elusive in Somalia, was a former Deputy Special Representative of the UN Secretary General for Somalia, and a former Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Chrisland University, Abeokuta. He is currently Chairman of the national NBA Anti-Corruption Committee and a Consultant at Yintab Strategy Consults. He is the recipient of the 2025 Nelson Mandela Distinguished Africanist Award of the Africa Annual Conference at the University of Texas at Austin. He is decorated with Djibouti’s 27 Juin 1977, Order.