The UN Security Council drafted a resolution opposing Moscow’s controversial referendums in four Ukrainian regions it declared part of Russia.
143 member states voted in favor, 5 states opposed and 35 voted to remain neutral.
This vote was aimed at condemning the action of Russia to seize four regions of Ukraine – Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson.
Among the countries that voted to support or not be tied to any party are African countries, East African countries.
Relations between Russia and Ukraine in East Africa
• Russia offers more than 500 military training opportunities to various African countries East Africa. Those opportunities may seem few but they are influential, at least, these opportunities for professional military education provide Russia with continuous access to military officers middle and high in the course of their work.
• Russia is the leading exporter of arms to Africa, Moscow accounted for 44% of all African arms imports from 2017-2021, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
• Russian weapons seem to be cheap, easy to maintain, and reliable.
African customers are increasingly willing to buy more advanced weapons from Russia, fighter jets, helicopters, tanks and air defense systems.
• Russia maintains a series of educational and cultural exchanges with Africa. It is estimated that 15,000 Africans are studying in Russian universities among them are students from East Africa.
Uganda, Ethiopia and Congo have not taken sides in Russia’s war in Ukraine, with all three abstaining or not attending the United Nations General Assembly vote in March to condemn Russia’s attacks on Ukraine.
On the other hand, the relationship between Ukraine and Africa in general is not very strong, and the same is true for East Africa.
Ukraine has 10 embassies in Africa, for the East African region, it only has embassies in Kenya and Ethiopia.
• But like Russia, Ukraine has been providing educational opportunities for students from East Africa studying various fields the Health sector.
• Ukraine has also been importing food products such as wheat and corn in East African countries.
Veto voting and the positions of East African countries.
The countries of the East African Community in the vote to condemn Russia’s seizure of part of Ukraine in the United Nations Security Council disagreed.
These countries have community issues that sometimes their policies are similar, but in issues that are outside the community then each country has its own position.
Tanzania has for a long time developed a policy of non-alignment in international affairs.
A policy that was founded by the father of the nation, Julius K. Nyerere.
We want to have relations with countries that are not western, we also want to have relations with western countries and on the condition that we do not interfere with them and they also do not interfere especially in the internal affairs of our country, and we cannot accept being chosen as a friend or enemy of the country ours” said Nyerere at the general meeting of TANU in 1967.
The policy has also manifested itself in this vote where Tanzania voted not to join any party.
On Kenya’s side, it supported condemning the annexation of Ukraine’s territories by Russia.
This vote of support from Kenya is directly linked to the good relationship between the Kenyan nation and Western countries, especially the United States.
But also the relationship between Kenya and Ukraine, the relationship between Kenya and Ukraine began in March 1993 when Kenya recognized Ukraine as an independent nation. The two countries have established good relations with the establishment of the Embassy of Ukraine in Kenya in 2004, and the Embassy of Kenya in Kyiv, Ukraine. There has been cooperation in areas ranging from business, military, economy, and culture between Kenya and Ukraine. Kenya’s imports from Ukraine were valued at Ksh 7.47 billion in 2020 and doubled to Ksh 19.29 billion in 2021 due to increased imports of wheat and iron and steel products.
The doubling of imports from Ukraine to Kenya can be attributed to some extent to mabad
The 2021 law in Ukraine allows the sale of land for the first time in 20 years.
Prohibitions had been put in place to prevent oligarchs from taking over. For Ukraine, this created a huge opportunity to fill the gap in the global food chain caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.
At the beginning of 2022, Ukraine was the largest exporter of sunflower oil and the fourth largest exporter of corn. Kenya’s exports to Ukraine mainly include tea, coffee, cut flowers and vegetables.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Kenya announced that there are 201 Kenyans in Ukraine, 18 Embassy staff and 183 Kenyan students as of February 2022 when the Ukraine-Russia war began.
“Each of these countries is looking at their own interests in voting, there are countries that supported and those that did not have ties with any party, in East Africa each country has its own position because it is an external issue of the Community” says Godwin Gonde, an analyst of diplomatic issues.
He also adds that in United Nations votes, especially in the United Nations Security Council, there are countries that buy those votes from the voting nations.
There are countries that spend a lot of money to buy votes to push their agenda, to be safer is not to take a neutral position, says Gonde.
Kenya, Rwanda and DRC have supported the vote to condemn and condemn Russia, Tanzania, Burundi and Uganda have voted not to join any party.
Each nation in this has the interest of their votes.
Rwanda and the DRC have clearly shown that their relationship with Western nations cannot be misinterpreted as they have supported condemning Russia’s actions, so they receive many compliments from Western nations, the United States and France.
But in the case of Uganda and Burundi, as in the case of Tanzania, they do not want to bind themselves and be interpreted as leaning on one side.
Russia’s relationship with the African continent
The relationship between Russia and Africa dates back to the time of the Soviet Union, but in recent years the relationship has taken on a new form of friendship on the one hand and controversy on the other.
Many African countries have weak governments, abundant natural resources, colonial history and proximity to Europe. The important thing about Africa is that it has 54 votes in the General Assembly of the United Nations, this gives Russia the opportunity to attract it and develop its interests with little financial or political costs.
In June, Senegalese President Macky Sall, who is the current head of the African Union (AU), traveled to Sochi in Russia to discuss with Mr Putin how to remove the obstacles that prevent the sale of much-needed food from Russia and Ukraine.
In the same month, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa called Mr. Putin discussed how agricultural products and fertilizers from Russia can be exported to Africa.
Russia manages an average level of trade with Africa, amounting to about 20 billion dollars a year (about one-tenth of that of China). Nor does it resonate as compelling ideologically, socially, or culturally for many in Africa.
Despite this, Russia has gained significant influence in Africa in recent years by playing the cards it has well. Where it has gained the most influence – Libya, Central African Republic (CAR), Sudan, Madagascar, Mozambique, and Mali.
Russia has skillfully used a combination of mercenary intervention and manipulation to support ousted leaders or allies.
The latest revolution in Burkina Faso saw young people waving Russian flags in the streets of the capital, Ouagadougou – something that must have warmed hearts in the Kremlin and hinted at some Russian involvement in the revolution.
Russia also maintains a series of common security, economic and cultural initiatives in Africa. The most famous of these is the October 2019 Russia-Africa Summit where Vladimir Putin hosted forty-three African heads of state in Sochi. At the meeting, Putin promised to forgive debts and double trade with Africa in the next five years.
Russia has also managed to gain some leverage by pledging millions of doses of the COVID-19 vaccine to African countries. Despite these instances of high-level access, conventional cooperation does not appear to be where Moscow gains the greatest geopolitical advantage in Africa, at least in the short term.
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