Di women for di community kitchen for di war torn Sudanese city of el-Fasher siddon togeda in desperation.

“Our children dey die bifor our eyes,” one of dem tell BBC.

“We no know wetin to do. Dem dey innocent. Dem no get anytin to do wit di army or [dia paramilitary rival] di Rapid Support Forces. Wetin we dey suffer worse pass wetin you fit can imagine.”

Food dey very scarce for el-Fasher, di prices of food don go up to di point wey be say money wey we dey use buy food for one week, na only one day food we fit take am buy now.

International aid organisations don condemn di “calculated use of starvation as a weapon of war”.

Di hunger crisis dey worse wit di outbreak of cholera wey dey sweep through di squalid camps of those wey di crisis displace.

Di medical charity Doctors Without Borders (MSF) on Thursday, 14 August say Sudan dey experience di worst cholera outbreak di kontri don see in years, wey di ongoing civil war cause.

Sudan don record nearly 100,000 cases and 2,470 deaths ova di past year, authorities say di current epicentre na near el-Fasher.

BBC don get rare footage of pipo wey still dey trapped for di city, wey one local activist send to us, na one freelance cameraman feem di video.

Di Sudanese army dey battle di Rapid Support Forces (RSF) for more dan two years afta dia commanders gada stage coup and later fall out.

El-Fasher, for di western Darfur region, na one of di most brutal frontlines for di conflict.

Di paramilitaries tighten dia 14-month blockade afta dem lost control of di capital Khartoum, earlier dis year.

Dem step up dia battle for el-Fasher, di last foothold of di armed forces for Darfur. Di fight-fight escalate dis week into one of di most intense RSF attacks wey di city don witness yet.

For di north and centre of of di kontri wia di army fight to get back territory from di RSF, food and medical aid don add to di civilian suffering.

But di situation dey very serious for di conflict zones of western and southern Sudan.

For di Matbakh-al-Khair communal kitchen for el-Fasher late last month, volunteers bin turn ambaz into porridge. Dis na wetin dey remain from peanuts afta dem don extract di oil, dem dey normally feed am to animals.

Sometimes, dem dey get sorghum or millet but on di day dem feem, di kitchen manager say: “Flour or bread no dey.”

“Now e don reach di point wey be say na ambaz we dey chop. May God deliver us from dis wahala, nothing dey to buy for market,” e add.

UN don double dia appeal for humanitarian pause to allow food convoys enta di city, as dia Sudan envoy Sheldon Yett for dis week again beg di warring sides to observe dia obligations under international law.

Di army don give clearance for di trucks to enta but di UN still dey wait for official word from di paramilitary group.

RSF advisers say dem believe say dem go use di humanitarian pause carry food and weapons for di army “besieged militias” wey dey inside el-Fasher.

Dem also claim say di the paramilitary group and dia allies dey set up “safe routes” for civilians to comot di city.

Di RSF bin issue one statement to deny di widespread allegations say dem dey target civilians for el-Fasher, dem claim say local armed groups for di city dey use civilians as human shields.

For residents of di city, di battle na to remain alive wen dem begin attack and hustle for any food dem fit get.

Local responders fit receive some emergency cash through one digital banking system, but e no dey go very far.

“Di prices for markets don go very high,” Mathilde Vu, advocacy manager for di Norwegian Refugee Council tok.

“Today, $5,000 [£3,680] dey cover one meal for 1,500 pipo inside one single day. Three months ago, di same amount fit feed them for one week.”

Doctors say pipo dey die of malnutrition. E no dey possible to know how many – one report wey quote one regional health official put di number at more dan 60 last week.

Hospitals no fit cope. Few of dem still dey operate. Dem dey short of medical supplies to help di pipo wey dey starve, and those injured for di continuous attacks.

“We get many malnourished children wey dey admitted for hospital but unfortunately, we no get any single sachet of [therapeutic food],” Dr Ibrahim Abdullah Khater, one paediatrician for di Al Saudi Hospital tok, e say five severely malnourished children currently dey for di ward and dem also get medical complications.

“Dem just dey wait to die,” e tok.

Wen hunger crises hit, those wey usually dey die first na di most vulnerable, pipo wey no dey healthy or those wey dey suffer from pre-existing conditions.

“Di situation dey very worse, e dey very terrible,” di doctor tell us for one voice message.

“Di children of el-Fasher dey die on a daily basis sake of lack of food, lack of medicine. Unfortunately, di international community just dey look.”

International non-governmental organisations wey dey work for Sudan issue one urgent statement dis week wia dem declare say “sustained attacks, obstruction of aid and targeting of critical infrastructure demonstrate a deliberate strategy to break di civilian population through hunger, fear, and exhaustion”.

Dem tok say “unconfirmed reports of recent food hoarding for military use add to di suffering of civilians”.

“No safe passage dey out of di city, as roads dey blocked and those wey try to run dey face attacks, taxation at checkpoints, community-based discrimination and death,” di organisations tok.

Hundreds of thousands of people bin run earlier, many of dem from Zamzam displaced persons camp wey dey di edge of el-Fasher, wey di RSF seize for April.

Dem land for Tawila, one town wey dey 60km (37 miles) west of di city, weak and dehydrated, wit accounts of violence and extortion along di road from RSF-allied groups.

Life dey safer for di crowded camps, but disease dey kill dem – most deadly of all: na cholera, wey polluted water dey cause.

Destruction of water infrastructure plus lack of food and medical care trigger di outbreak. Flooding for di rainy season come make am worse.

Unlike el-Fasher, for Tawila aid workers at least get access, but dia supplies dey limited, John Joseph Ocheibi, di on-site project coordinator for one group wey di name na The Alliance for International Medical Action tok.

“We get shortages in terms of [washing facilities], in terms of medical supplies, to fit deal wit dis situation,” e tell BBC. “We dey hustle for resources to see how best we go fit respond.”

MSF project coordinator Sylvain Penicaud estimate say na only three litres of water each pesin fit get per day for di camps, wey e say dey “way below di basic need, and e force pipo to get water from contaminated sources”.

Zubaida Ismail Ishaq dey lie down for di tent clinic. She dey seven months pregnant, she dey weak, skinny and tired. Her story na tale of trauma wey many pipo know.

She tell us say she bin dey do business wit di small money she get, bifor she run comot from el-Fasher.

Armed men on di road to Tawila capture her husband. Her daughter get injury for head.

Zubaida and her mother catch cholera shortly afta dem land for di camp.

“We dey drink water wey we no boil,” she tok. “Nobody dey to give us water. Since we come here, I no get anytin.”

For el-Fasher, many women wey dey di clustered soup kitchen beg us for help – any kind of help.

“We don tire. We want make dem lift dis siege,” Faiza Abkar Mohammed tok. “Even if dem airdrop food, airdrop anything – we dey completely exhausted.”

Dis fit be di only food dis children go get for a day

Dem build makeshift centres to treat patients wey get cholera

Malian soldiers patrol the streets of Gao, northern Mali, in 2013

Authorities in Mali have arrested a group of military personnel and civilians, including two Malian army generals and a suspected French secret agent, accused of attempting to destabilise the country.

Mali’s security minister, General Daoud Aly Mohammedine, announced the arrests on Thursday evening following days of rumours that Malian military officials had been arrested.

The minister said, “The situation is completely under control.”

“The transitional government informs the national public of the arrest of a small group of marginal elements of the Malian armed and security forces for criminal offences aimed at destabilising the institutions of the republic,” Mohammedine said on national news.

“The conspiracy has been foiled with the arrests of those involved,” he said, adding that the plot began on August 1.

“These soldiers and civilians” had obtained “the help of foreign states”, Mali’s military said in a statement, adding that a French national – identified as Yann Christian Bernard Vezilier – was held on suspicion of working “on behalf of the French intelligence service”.

The security minister said the Frenchman acted “on behalf of the French intelligence service, which mobilised political leaders, civil society actors and military personnel” in Mali.

Images shared on social media of the alleged French spying suspect featured a white man in his 50s wearing a white shirt and appearing somewhat alarmed.

One of the suspects, General Abass Dembele, is a former governor of the country’s central Mopti region, who was abruptly dismissed in May when he demanded an investigation into allegations that the Malian army killed civilians in the village of Diafarabe. The second general, Nema Sagara, was previously lauded for her role in fighting rebel groups in 2012.

Security sources told the AFP news agency that at least 55 soldiers had been arrested, and authorities said they were working to identify “possible accomplices”.

Impoverished Mali has been gripped by a security crisis since 2012, fuelled notably by violence from armed groups affiliated with al-Qaeda and the ISIL (ISIS) group, as well as local criminal gangs.

The country’s military rulers, led by President Assimi Goita, have in recent years turned away from Western partners, notably former colonial power France, and aligned politically and militarily with Russia in the name of national sovereignty.

In June, Goita was granted an additional five years in power, despite the military’s earlier promises of a return to civilian rule by March 2024.

Malian soldiers patrol the streets of Gao, northern Mali, in 2013

Africa’s border crossings are still high points of transmission for Mpox, demanding collaboration in combating the disease.

High-level discussions coordinated by the World Health Organization Africa Region (WHOAfro) between health officials drawn from Kenya and Uganda established that truck operators and sex workers are still leading in the spread of the disease.

Dr Michel Muteba, clinical epidemiologist at WHOAfro who spoke on Thursday during the first anniversary of the declaration of Mpox as a public health emergency of international concern, noted that infections generally decreasing.

Kenya has reported 314 cases of Mpox as of this week, spread across 22 counties. Some of the counties are close to the border, such as Busia, Kajiado and Bungoma. Others are busy commercial centres such as Nairobi, Mombasa and Nakuru.

Burundi has, since 2024, reported 4,274 cases, Uganda, 7,793, Democratic Republic of Congo, 28,155, while Rwanda and Tanzania reported the least cases – 124 and 111 respectively.

Dr Muteba said that Kenya and Uganda have been sharing data, including on sex workers and truck drivers operating across the border to monitor infections.

“Mpox vaccines in Uganda have helped but we still have some gaps in relation to mobility and specifically in regards to contact tracing of people suspected to have contracted Mpox. Truck drivers and sex workers, we have observed, do not want to reveal the people they have been in contact with, which makes contact tracing a bit challenging,” he told The EastAfrican.

This is not, however, to say that all sex workers who have tested positive for Mpox got it via sex, he cautioned.

Dr Hieronyma Gumede-Moeletsi, regional adviser, laboratory and genomic surveillance at WHO Regional office for Africa, said 22 African countries that are battling Mpox now have enough test kits to deal with all suspected cases. This, she said, is after WHO conducted a large-scale evaluation of all kits across the continent and found them usable.

“There is nothing wrong with the testing kits that are currently being used. The kits have also managed to detect other ‘rash’ diseases that are not Mpox-related which is why, overall, we need training in the usage of this kits,” she said.

Officials, however, cautioned against laxity. Dr Patrick Otim, area programme manager at WHO Regional Office for Africa, said epidemiological data suggests that Africa may have more months to fight to disease.

“We are almost at the end, which means we need to double our efforts,” he said. “One year on, Mpox remains a serious public health challenge in Africa. Twenty-eight countries have been affected, with more than 174,000 suspected cases, nearly 50,000 confirmed, and unfortunately 243 lives lost.”

Overall, in the past 6 weeks, the weekly number of confirmed cases declined by 34.5 percent, compared with the preceding six weeks. But Dr Otim said they are working with governments to ensure there is no underreporting of cases.

Across Africa, Côte d’Ivoire has brought its outbreak under control, after 42 days with no new cases. Angola, Gabon, Mauritius and Zimbabwe have also gone more than 90 days without any new confirmed cases.

Across East Africa, the transmission pattern is mixed, with the most dominant strains being clade 1b and 2b.

Thirteen of the 22 countries with active transmission now have vaccine deployment plans, and eight are vaccinating high-risk groups and contacts.

More than 3 million doses, almost half of the target, have been delivered; more than 951,000 doses administered; and about 900,000 people vaccinated with at least one dose.

The global health regulator has also deployed 112 international experts to Mpox-affected countries, trained more than 4,000 health workers, and delivered $4.5 million worth of essential medical, logistical, personal protective equipment’s, and laboratory supplies to 30 affected countries. It also mobilised funding worth $76 million to support response operations in affected countries.

Testing coverage has improved in DRC, for example, from under 20 percent to 65 percent, which enables faster detection and confirmation of cases, Dr Otim said.

Despite these gains Dr Otim said challenges persist.

Overall, in Africa, there have been 29,849 cases of Mpox, of which 593 people died.

East Africa’s human rights record has deteriorated sharply over the past year, with governments accused of unlawful killings, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests, and restrictions on free expression, according to the latest US State Department Human Rights Report.

But the findings were dismissed by rights watchers, who said the report was vague and ignored significant violations.

Amnesty International USA accused the Donald Trump administration of selectively documenting human rights abuses in its newly released report. Amanda Klasing, Amnesty International USA’s national director of government relations and advocacy, said the report shows “a very selective documentation of human rights abuses in certain countries”.

“We have criticised past reports when warranted, but have never seen reports quite like this,” she said. “Never before have the reports gone this far in prioritising an administration’s political agenda over a consistent and truthful accounting of human rights violations around the world—softening criticism in some countries while ignoring violations in others.”

The report, which covers countries including Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda, Tanzania, and others in the region, paints a grim picture of shrinking civic space, violent crackdowns on protestors, and persistent impunity for security forces. In several countries, political dissent was met with force, while journalists and activists faced intimidation, harassment, and in some cases, imprisonment.

Across the region, the findings depict a consistent pattern: Authorities using state power to silence critics, security agencies operating with little accountability, and the rule of law eroding under political pressure. From street demonstrations violently dispersed to independent media muzzled, the year was marked by a deepening climate of fear that threatens democratic gains made over the past two decades.

In Kenya, the report cites widespread violations during the June and July 2024 anti-Finance Bill protests, including killings, arbitrary detentions, and excessive use of force by police. It also highlights restrictions on media coverage and cases of enforced disappearances linked to state agents.

“Kenya experienced a deterioration in the human rights situation during the year. In response to nationwide protests in June and July, authorities reportedly committed numerous abuses, including unlawful killings, physical violence, and arbitrary arrests and detention,” the report says.

It cited “credible reports” of arbitrary killings, disappearances, torture, and arbitrary detention, as well as “serious restrictions on freedom of expression and media freedom,” including threats, violence, and censorship targeting journalists.

“Significant human rights issues included credible reports of: arbitrary or unlawful killings; disappearances; torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment; arbitrary arrest or detention; transnational repression against individuals in another country; serious restrictions on freedom of expression and media freedom, including violence or threats of violence against journalists and censorship; and significant presence of any of the worst forms of child labour,” the report says.

In Tanzania, with reports of unlawful killings, enforced disappearances, torture, and sweeping restrictions on freedoms of expression and assembly abound. Security forces were implicated in extrajudicial killings and abductions of political opponents, while journalists faced harassment, censorship, and arrest.

“The human rights situation in Tanzania declined during the year. The government abused a wide range of human rights. Significant human rights issues included: arbitrary or unlawful killings; disappearances; torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment; arbitrary arrest or detention; and serious restrictions on freedom of expression and media freedom, including unjustified arrests or prosecutions of journalists.”

It highlights what it calls systemic impunity within Tanzania’s police, security forces, and civilian authorities. The report further accuses the government of cracking down on labour rights, failing to enforce workplace protections, and pressuring refugees — particularly Burundians — into returning home despite unsafe conditions.

Activists in Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya have recently been abducted and mistreated. Recently, Boniface Mwangi from Kenya and Agather Atuhaire of Uganda were abducted in Tanzania, held for days without charges before they were deported and dumped near their country’s respective borders. No one has ever been arrested for their ordeal.

The report further says Tanzanians have also faced threats to free expression.

“Public criticism of the government resulted in punitive action in some cases. Authorities used the Cybercrimes Act to bring criminal charges against individuals who criticised the government on a variety of electronic media. At least 12 persons were arrested under the Cybercrimes Act during the year, including one who was sentenced to three years in prison,” the report says.

Press freedom was also squeezed. Authorities used the Cybercrimes Act to arrest at least 12 people for online criticism, suspended media outlets, and censored security-related reporting.

“Journalists are self-censoring to survive,” said a local media rights advocate.

“On June 23, prominent social media personality and outspoken government critic Edgar “Sativa” Mwakabela disappeared after giving an anti-government speech. Social media influencers began an online campaign highlighting his disappearance, accusing police and government officials of involvement, the report says.

In Uganda, security forces also stand accused of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, torture, and cross-border abductions in a sweeping clampdown on dissent.

“There were negative developments in the human rights situation in Uganda during the year. Significant human rights issues included credible reports of: arbitrary or unlawful killings; disappearances; torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment,” the report notes.

Opposition supporters, journalists, and activists were frequent targets.

National Unity Platform leader Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine was injured when police fired a tear gas canister at him from close range. In another case, a party supporter abducted in Kasese later died in custody, with no investigation launched.

“The government did not take credible steps or action to identify and punish officials who committed human rights abuses. The rebel group Allied Democratic Forces continued to threaten attacks in urban areas while fighting government forces. The government arrested and prosecuted multiple individuals accused of belonging to or supporting the group,” the report says.

It also cites attacks on the media, harassment of unions, child labour, and recruitment of child soldiers by armed groups. Despite the abuses, it concludes, the government “did not take credible steps to identify and punish officials” responsible.

The State Department routinely releases annual reports on human rights in all countries it sends aid to. Rwanda, South Sudan, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo were also cited for various violations.

While the report notes that there were “no significant changes in the human rights situation” in Rwanda over the past year, it points out that credible reports point to a pattern of abuses by state agents and government-linked armed groups.

“Significant human rights issues included credible reports of arbitrary or unlawful killings; torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment; arbitrary arrest or detention; serious restrictions on freedom of expression and media freedom; trafficking in persons; and the worst forms of child labour,” the report notes.

According to the report, government authorities were also implicated in arbitrary detention, harsh and life-threatening prison conditions, and political interference in the judiciary.

“There were serious problems with the independence of the judiciary; arbitrary or unlawful interference with privacy; punishment of family members for alleged offenses by a relative; and serious restrictions on freedom of expression, including for members of the press or other media.”

The report criticises Rwanda for imposing blanket restrictions on internet freedom and curbing the right to peaceful assembly and association. It mentions “serious government restrictions on domestic and international human rights organisations”.