Four major political parties are in the race for the Senate in the 36 states of the federation. Unlike the prevailing atmosphere in the previous three elections, the stage appears set for fair distribution of the seats among the parties. There are other “minor” parties such as the Progressive Peoples Party (PPA) that appears to be in contention only in Abia State, the Allied Congress Party of Nigeria (ACPN) in Kwara, Peoples Party of Nigeria (PPN) in Ogun State, Accord in Anambra and Oyo States. Group Political Editor, BOLADE OMONIJO, looks at the trend in the composition of the Senate in the Fourth Republic, compares with what obtained in the Second Republic and projects into what could happen in 2011.
THE highest lawmaking body for the country is the National Assembly, a bicameral legislature comprising the Senate and House of Representatives. The Senate, unofficially recognized as the upper chamber has 109 members, while the lower House has 360 members. Today, the Nigerian electorate will file out to fill the seats that are up in June.
By the presidential constitution, the National Assembly makes laws for the entire federation. Although all the states have their unicameral legislatures, their laws only stand when their provisions do not in any way contradict federal laws. The legislature appropriates funds to prosecute federal projects and has oversight functions over executive bodies to ensure that they comply with the laws in their operations and execute projects for which provisions are made in the budget for the year.
Although the executive is regarded as the most powerful organ of government in any country operating the presidential system, the legislature provides the checks and balances to ensure that the Chief Executive does not turn a despot. This all-important role can only be played where the chambers are not dominated by one political party. Where the contrary is the case, the party fills the void, dictating how the votes must be cast and ensuring that the executive derives maximum support from the legislature. It thus leads to stunted democratic growth and arrested development.
Senate in the Fourth Republic
At the inception of this democratic dispensation, expectations were high that development would be accelerated. The experience under the military and little development recorded with the draconian laws enacted had increased the yearnings of the people for democracy. Three political parties were registered in 1998, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), All Peoples Party (APP) and Alliance for Democracy (AD). They were registered after the December 1998 local polls in which they out-performed other political associations.
The 1999 general elections were very crucial as the foundation for the Republic. The voter registration recorded 57.94 million adult Nigerians qualified to exercise their civic right. In the senatorial election, PDP cornered 59 of the 109 seats on offer with 56.4 per cent of the votes cast, APP had 29 seats with 31.2 per cent of the votes, while the AD which was essentially strong in the Southwest won in 20 districts with 12.4 per cent of the total votes cast.
By the result, the PDP that won the presidential election also had a majority of the senators. Most bills, except those proposed to amend the constitution and amend certain crucial provisions, require the support of only a simple majority of the lawmakers.
2003
Four years later, having consolidated its hold on the levers of power, the PDP was emboldened to bid for absolute control of the senate. In the 2003 elections, the PDP was declared winner of 76 seats. The ANPP 27 and AD 6. The stage was thus set for total dominance of the political scene by the ruling party with Chief Olusegun Obasanjo on the driver’s seat as President.
By the result, the PDP which four years earlier held 59 seats, had gained 17 more, the ANPP had declined marginally from 29 to 27 but AD had lost 14 seats to the rampaging PDP. The implication was not lost on anyone.
The president had a hand and voice in all that transpired in the legislature. He was, indeed, in addition to being the Chief Executive, the Chief Legislator as Senate Presidents and officials were only appointed after his endorsement had been obtained. Along the line, senators from the other parties were lured into the PDP to give it a more comprehensive hold on power.
2007
In the 2007 poll, PDP had further consolidated its hold on power, almost rendering the other political parties irrelevant. Although 50 parties were registered before the election, many did not participate in any election at any level. Only five, the PDP, ANPP, Action Congress, AC, (the new name of AD), Accord and Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA) won at least one seat in the 109-chamber Senate. The PDP lead had once again widened. From the 59 of 2003, it had jumped to 87 in 2007. The ANPP’s 27 had shrunk to 14, AC retained its hold on six districts, while both PPA and Accord had one each. It was no longer absolute majority but total control. The party was not satisfied as it succeeded, along the line, in luring those elected on other platforms to join its large retinue. To the PDP’s 87 at the commencement of the legislative session, the combined strength of the opposition in the senate was 22. The ruling party had a clear 14 seats more that the 73 that constitutes two-thirds by which any legislative act could be performed, including amendment of the constitution, creation of more states and changing the Land Use provision. The PDP at the federal level had become a Leviathan, indeed.
The Second Republic
The trend is not surprising. At the inception of the Second Republic in 1979, the 95-member Senate had the five political parties represented. The ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN) won 36 of the seats on offer, Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) won 28, the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) 16, Great Nigerian Peoples party (GNPP) 8 and Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) 7.
Thus, the ruling party was stronger in the chamber than any other, but in absolute terms, it was in the minority. It had to quicly conjure an accord with the NPP to take charge of the Senate. As is the situation in such a situation, the arrangement was based on terms. While the NPN, the senior partner in the accord, supplied the Senate President, the deputy, John Wash Pam, was of the NPP from Plateau State. In the House of Representatives, the NPP produced Chief Edwin Ume-Ezeoke, the Speaker while the deputy speaker, Alhaji Idris was an NPN representative from Niger State. Thus was the stage set for robust discussions, debates, decisions and laws in the Second Republic.
In the contest for the senate presidency, the allies in the opposition, contested by fielding Justice Frank Atake from Bendel State. He lost, but the point was made. Many, till date, would remember the contributions of such heavyweights as Atake, Senators Abraham adesanya, Jonathan Odebiyi, Jaja Wachukwu, among others.
It is strikingly different from what we have had in the past 12 years. The only occasions when the National Assembly had been heard were those times that internal wrangling over allowances and perks and outright fraud came to the fore. Hardly were there times that the interest of the country was elevated above personal pecuniary interests of the legislative chamber.
In the August 20, 1983 senate election, the NPN had the opportunity to turn the tide, legitimately or otherwise. It chose to achieve its end anyhow. The result showed the level of desperation. The ruling party had, at the end of that exercise, cornered 60 seats (up from 36, almost double), UPN lost 12 seats to stand at 16, NPP was marginally down to 12 from 16, PRP from 7 to 5, GNPP 2 and one seat was vacant.
The NPN had 60 seats to 35 by others and one vacant. The tone was thus set for turning the Assembly to a rubber stamp. The list of ministers was passed without the rigour of 1979 and President Shehu Shagari was assured that he could pass any legislation through once he engaged the party gear firmly under the armpit of the suave Chief Adisa Akinloye.
2011?
This is the first time that a Republic would last this long. Would the trend already established be broken? Already, there are signs that the stranglehold of the ruling party would be relaxed. Many of the current senators, towards the end of the session, broke ranks with their colleagues and dumped the PDP. In many states, the excesses and arrogance of party executives and state governors turned the political elite and people against the party.
How would this play out at the polls? No one can tell at the moment, but if the equation changes, Nigeria may be on the road to robust debates and full conformity with the tenets of multiparty democracy once again.
